Saturday, 12 September 2026

... 'Tis but Fortune


Introducing Duke Ellington

A couple of jigs got on the bus with a doghouse. “You know Larry Brown?” said one of them. “Yeah,” said the other, “he plays a gang o’horn.”

One way to catch the spirit of jazz music is to know its slang. The cryptic paragraph above may be translated as follows: two Negroes got on the bus with a bass viol; when asked if he knew Lawrence Brown, one of them said he did, and that Mr. Brown was a fine trombone player. Continuing in the language of jazz, it may be explained that Lawrence Brown is a hot trombonist with Duke Ellington’s famous Negro jazz orchestra. That is to say, he excels in spontaneous, highly syncopated solos.* He is decidedly not a sweet trombonist—he doesn’t play sentimentally with lots of vibrato. He could, but he just doesn’t like that sort of thing. Nor is Mr. Brown cornfed. Cornfed or corny is the jazz musician’s term for what is old-fashioned. For example, it is now extremely corny to use the once popular wah-wah mutes which make brass instruments sound like crying babies. And corny music is what generally happens when a sweet band, or long-underwear gang, tries to play hot. Returning to Trombonist Brown, he can get off, swing it, sock it, smear it, or go to town (all of which mean syncopate to beat the band). His licks (musical phrases) are original to the point of being screwy (fantastically exciting). When the occasion demands it, he can go to church (the hot man’s version of musical solemnity, which is usually thoroughly screwy). In sum, Mr. Brown plays plenty trombone or, as his friend suggested, a gang o’horn.

Before the money changers failed us, it was customary to call this the Jazz Age. The etymology of the word jazz is obscure. It was once jass, and some say this was the corrupted nickname of a Negro musician called Charles. Others think the word has lecherous origins. However that may be, jazz means different things to different people. To some it means the whole cocktail-swilling deportment of the post-War era. To others it suggests loud and rowdy dance music. Many people go so far as to divide all music into “jazz” or “classical.” By “classical” they mean any music which sounds reasonably serious, be it Hearts and Flowers or Bach’s B Minor Mass, while their use of “jazz” includes both Duke Ellington’s Afric brass and Rudy Vallée crooning I’m a Dreamer, Aren’t We All?

But Duke Ellington bears just about as much relation to Vallée as the B Minor Mass to Hearts and Flowers. The curly-headed Vallée has made a fortune dispensing popular ballads to the vast public which always adores them. In this respect he resembles Guy Lombardo, Russ Columbo, Bing Crosby, and various other radio and tea-dancing idols. On the other hand, Mr. Ellington and his orchestra offer rich, original music, music of pulse and gusto, stemming out of the lyricism of the Negro and played with great virtuosity. Ellington’s music is jazz; it is the best jazz.

ELLINGTON has just undertaken his first tour of Europe, where he was resoundingly greeted in Great Britain and France. Said the London Times: “Mr. Duke Ellington … is exceptionally and remarkably efficient in his own line … And the excitement and exacerbation of the nerves which are caused by the performances of his orchestra are the more disquieting by reason of his complete control and precision. It is not an orgy, but a scientific application of measured and dangerous stimuli.” It is no paradox that Ellington should arouse a special personal interest abroad. He is an idol of the jazz cult, which has developed a critical canon as precise and exacting as that applied to porcelains or plain song. The jazz cult is apathetic to nine-tenths of modern dance music—just as apathetic as the old lady who never cared much for a bass drum. But the cultist will often go to preposterous lengths to hear or collect records of the remaining tenth, the genuine hot music. Furthermore, the jazz cult is international. It has no boundaries. In Europe, which is more critical and discriminating about all kinds of music than the U.S., there are many jazz connoisseurs. England and France have magazines strictly devoted to hot music. A Belgian lawyer, Robert Goffin, has written the only knowing volume on the subject (Aux Frontières du Jazz), which makes such American jazz apologists as Gilbert Seldes and Carl Van Vechten seem positively unlettered. Apropos of Ellington, M. Goffin remarks: “Sans extravagance, avec des moyens tout en douceur et en demi-teintes, Duke a atteint le pinacle de la gloire.”

As for the U. S., Duke Ellington and his orchestra have appeared in every large Paramount, Loew’s, and Keith theatre in the country; they have played dance engagements from Bowdoin College, Maine, to Frank Sebastian’s Cotton Club in Los Angeles; they shared a double bill with Maurice Chevalier in New York and have broadcast innumerable hours over various radio chains; they were featured in Amos ‘n’ Andy’s motion picture Check and Double Check and in the late Florenz Ziegfeld’s Show Girl. All of which means that Ellington is a commercial success. Cleverly managed by Irving Mills, he has grossed as much as $250,000 a year, and the band’s price for a week’s theatre engagement runs as high as $5,500. These figures are, of course, scarcely to be compared with Rudy Vallée’s receipts (with a much smaller band he is estimated to have grossed $312,000 in 1931). But what is remarkable is the fact that Ellington has never compromised with the public taste for watery popular songs, for “show bands” combining music with scenic effects, low comedy, and flag drills. He has played hot music, his own music, all the way along: Lazy Rhapsody in San Francisco, Hot and Bothered in Chicago, and It Don’t Mean a Thing if It Ain’t Got That Swing in New York. Moreover, Ellington himself, a robust, well-poised Negro of Paul Robeson’s stripe, is not a showman; he has no such fopperies as Paul Whiteman’s three-foot baton and still plays the piano in his orchestra.

HIS success with a type of music not noted for its box-office appeal may be partly attributed to the fact that he is assisted in his theatrical tours by feature singers such as Ivie Anderson and dancers like the gelatinous “Snake Hips” Tucker. These performers plus the band constitute the highest grade Negro entertainment, which always has a market of its own. But there can be little doubt that Ellington’s success is mainly due to his music itself. It is the final development of a moving, spirited, wholly American musical form.

So far as anyone can tell, jazz began with Negroes in the Deep South circa 1910. It is not very profitable to examine sources—you may easily be carried back to African rites of spring or plantation songs or, more exactly, fix on Buddy Bolden, a black cornetist from the Rampart Street section of New Orleans who played wild notes which never occurred on his scores and was committed to an asylum before the U.S. entered the War. For all practical purposes, jazz history begins with black boys of Bolden’s stamp who decorated the one-steps of the pre-War day with flourishes of their own. With swipes and runs and tantalizing beats like the patter of a tap dancer’s slippers, they took the starch out of ragtime and injected those sad, unorthodox harmonies which have echoed for years in the cotton fields.

A cardinal principle of their music was spontaneity. All true jazz music is built around passages in which the musicians improvise, exercise their personal fancy—and in this lies the difference between true jazz and ordinary dance music as well as the pretentious concert-hall syncopation of George Gershwin. Those country fiddling contests in which rustic Paganinis, inspired by corn whisky, play cadenzas they will never play again are not unlike the jazz musicians’ jam sessions where the players vie with one another in hot solos. Jazz classics such as St. Louis Blues, Tiger Rag, Royal Garden Blues, and Milenberg Joys are not set pieces, orchestrated in full. They are merely simple themes encouraging ad lib variations by the players. This spontaneity reaches truly magnificent lengths in the smokiest shrines of jazz, where you will frequently hear a Negro bandmaster yell “Blues in E Flat!” and launch out on an excursion all his own, superbly accompanied by men who have only an instinctive notion where he is going.

Jazz went up the Mississippi via river boat to Chicago (in Memphis, on its upward journey, W. C. Handy—who still lives in Seventh Avenue in Manhattan’s Harlem—conceived Memphis Blues and St. Louis Blues). Jazz blared across the West to San Francisco, and was introduced to New York in 1916 at Reisenweber’s restaurant by five white ambassadors from New Orleans called the Original Dixieland Jazz Band. They found the town dancing sedately to violins and cellos, and left it jiggling to Tiger Rag, composed by the Dixieland’s cornetist and leader, D. J. La Rocca. The band made half a dozen Victor records, long since out of print, sometimes earned as much as $1,200 a night, and pioneered jazz for a year and a half in London. None of the boys could read music, all of them were polished players. They made it forever after unthinkable that good jazz musicians could be otherwise. Jazz works on its performers like an intoxicant, and in 1925 La Rocca, fearing a breakdown, shelved his cornet and retired to New Orleans.

HE LEFT a host of followers in the field. One impolite dive on Chicago’s South Side was featuring the amazingly windy trumpeter, Louis Armstrong, who blew such frenzied tattoos as he has recorded under the titles Mahogany Hall Stomp, Knee Drops, Skip the Gutter, and Muggles (named for the Mexican cigarettes drugged with marijuana which have inspired perfectly incredible solos). The Wolverines, a barnstorming white orchestra, featured the late Leon (“Bix”) Beiderbecke, a cornetist from Davenport, Iowa. Beiderbecke tempered Louis Armstrong’s violence with his own exquisite taste, exhibiting a lyric grace and variety of beat which made him perhaps the most admired white jazz musician. Meanwhile a locomotive fireman from St. Louis named Frank Trumbauer practiced his instrument in his cab and because the favorite saxophonist of the Mississippi belt. In New York, Joe Venuti was playing all four strings of his violin at once, and even this tour de force was no more admired than his hot inventions on a single string. In Manhattan, also, Trumpeter Red Nichols gathered a jazz band which devoted itself to hot recordings with all the painstaking care of the Flonzaleys approaching a Mozart quartet. The long series of Nichols’ recordings for Brunswick illustrate jazz at a point of great refinement. Sometimes they spent weeks in preparation for a single recording date, yet they never sacrificed the informal, honky-tonk spirit. To hear Trombonist Jack Teagarden get off in Hallelujah is to realize that jazz needs a new critical vocabulary.

THESE men loved their work; when they played for their own pleasure they inevitably played hot. There was intense rivalry among them, and a mutual admiration foreign to such egocentric arts as the opera. The jazz musicians gave no grandstand performances; they simply got a great burn from playing in the groove. But it was only infrequently possible for them to make a steady living with the hot style. The public preferred the so-called “symphonic” dance music originated by Paul Whiteman, who played popular tunes elaborately scored and adorned with snatches of Grieg or Tschaikowsky, and also had great success with dance paraphrases of such standard music as the Meditation from Thaïs and César Cui’s Orientale. And so the hot men were usually to be found playing for profit under “symphonic” leaders. Sometimes they were allowed to go to town, but for the most part they accommodated public taste.

Had jazz not been so stanch, it would surely have received the coup de gràce in 1929. That year skirts as well as stocks descended; there was a perceptible revival of gracious manners. The national thirst yearned for something less positive than gin, the tail coat replaced the dinner jacket, and ladies who had sworn never to submit to corsets again were shaping themselves to meet the new order of things. Appropriately, Rudy Vallée breathed a genteel number called Deep Night and became almost immediately the highest priced musician this country has ever known. Bing Crosby, who first made a name for himself singing in the jazz style with Whiteman’s Rhythm Boys, discovered there was more money to be made with teary effects in the low register and became, via radio, a promising rival for Vallée’s popularity. During the last few years there has been less public demand than ever for hot music. You hear practically none of it in the leading hotels and night clubs (which do, however, provide much that is corny). The radio offers true jazz, along with everything else in the world, but not in conspicuous quantities. It is even losing its great popularity at college promenades. Paradoxically, however, the jazz which persists today is the best jazz ever.


This is explained by the fact that jazz, as has been suggested, has never been dependent on widespread popular favor. It is played because certain men like to play it, and it is played in public because a sufficient number of laymen have always shared the musicians’ pleasure. Furthermore, the years have brought the jazz players more and more musical sophistication, more and more technical ability; the jazz spirit is better equipped for expression today than ever before. The best white ensembles usually compromise by playing both sweet and hot music. This is true of Ben Pollack’s excellent swing band of Chicago (with Trombonist Teagarden and other crack soloists) and of the superbly drilled Casa Loma orchestra, favorite of Yale promenades and the New England dance-hall circuit, whose Guitarist Gene Gifford has composed and arranged some of the neatest exercises in stomp (very fast) time. But since it seems to be congenitally impossible for Negro dance musicians to play straight, it is not surprising to find that jazz survives most vigorously today among the race which gave it birth.

Various names are worth mention—Don Redman, Louis Armstrong, Fletcher Henderson, Earl Hines—but it is Duke Ellington, a veritable prince of pulsation, who probably deserves to be called the first figure in jazz today. When Ellington and his orchestra played before Percy Grainger’s music classes at New York University, Mr. Grainger drew some casual comparisons with the music of Bach and Delius. “I’ll have to find out about this Delius,” said Mr. Ellington. The chances are he has never made the investigation. So busy is he with his band and his own musical ideas that he seldom troubles to hear his own phonograph records.

EDWARD KENNEDY (“DUKE”) ELLINGTON lives in a large Harlem apartment at 381 Edgecombe Avenue—and therefore New York may lay claim to being the jazz capital of the world. Separated from his wife, he makes his home with his parents, a nineteen-year-old sister Ruth, and a fourteen-year-old son Mercer, who prefers drawing to music (even his father’s). For many years Duke Ellington’s father was a blueprint maker at the Washington, D.C., Navy Yard. Edward Kennedy Ellington was born in the capital in April, 1900. He began studying the piano at the age of eight under a Mr. Grant and a Mrs. Chink-scales. At Armstrong High School he veered away toward painting, etching, and all kinds of athletics, but his mother kept him on the piano stool. At sixteen he began to play raggy music for Washington society with Louis Thomas’ orchestra. These were the years when jazz entered the North; the Original Dixieland was enjoying its New York heyday, and in 1918 the late Lieutenant Jim Europe, famous Negro bandmaster of the A. E. F., returned from overseas with a group of black boys who had discovered the New Orleans brand of nerve tonic before the War. One fine day in France, when several bands of the allied nations were assembled in concert, Jim Europe had stopped the show with St. Louis Blues. He played it again in Boston a year or so later, and after the performance his drummer stabbed him in the back.

Jim Europe and the Original Dixieland convinced Ellington that jazz was his medium. In 1923 he toured with one of the earlier and more raucous jazz bands, directed by Wilbur C. Sweatman, a mammoth Negro whose specialty was a number in which he found room for three clarinets in his mouth at once. This feat was not so interesting to Ellington as the pliable idiom of jazz, which barred no experiment and allowed each player to formulate his own rules. The fact that a man could squeeze a living from such irregular music was almost too good to be true. Back in Washington a little later, he formed his own band, the Washingtonians, with Trumpeter Arthur Whetsel, Clarinetist Barney Bigard, Saxophonist Otto Hardwick, and Drummer Sonny Greer. All of these men are with him today.

THE local success of the Washingtonians encouraged Duke to move on to New York. He opened at the Kentucky Club in 1926, and was soon verging on bankruptcy. Almost any New York success requires press-agentry, and Ellington’s jazz had no ballyhoo. Fortunately before it was too late a press agent appeared. Irving Mills is not a musician himself, but he knows what is distinctive and is an experienced showman. No one needed to convince him that Ellington was highly potential: he had heard the band.

The problem was one of sales, and Mills believed that with a larger orchestra and a distinctive location, Ellington could be made a drawing card. For a while he flirted with the idea of forming a musical bureau to be known as the Royal Orchestras—led off by Benny “King” Carter. Once and for all, therefore, Ellington became “Duke,” a sobriquet first earned in his Washington school days. The Royal Orchestras never materialized, but Mills augmented Ellington’s band to twelve pieces, placed him at the Cotton Club in Harlem (where rents were low), and installed a Negro floor show, fast, agile, and undressed. A dozen men were what Ellington needed to give body to his ideas; the radio spread his name and music throughout the East, and between the floor show and the band—undeniably the most toe-tickling in the city—the Cotton Club attracted a large downtown clientele.

Ellington had arrived, and subsequently only one other Negro bandmaster has had a comparable success. This is Cab Calloway, also managed by Irving Mills. In many places, including New York, Calloway’s gate exceeds Ellington’s. Draped in such fascinating haberdashery as a snow-white dress suit with extra long tails, Calloway weaves gracefully before his orchestra and in a high, spasmodic voice emits hot arias like Minnie the Moocher and Kicking the Gong Around. He usually plays no instrument and, as a composer, has boasted only of the lyrics to the chorus of Minnie. They begin as follows: Hi-de-hi-de-hi—ho-de-ho-de-ho. Calloway’s vocalizing is sensational; his band is not to be compared with Ellington’s.

Ellington composes perhaps half the music his orchestra plays, and stamps his personality unmistakably on the rest. In addition to those already mentioned, among his best numbers are Mood Indigo, The Mystery Song, The Dicty Glide, It’s Glory (Victor records), and Blue Tune, Lightnin’, and Ducky-Wucky (Brunswick records). His best recorded versions of other music include Limehouse Blues and Three Little Words (Victor), and Rose Room, The Sheik, and Blackbirds Medley (Brunswick). Ellington uses fourteen men—three trumpets, three trombones, four saxophones (doubling on all manner of reeds), piano, guitar, string bass, and drums. Very frequently the sections are employed in unison, the six-part brass team playing in counterpoint against the four reeds with the remaining players acting as percussion. But Ellington has no set rules of orchestration. His conceptions are miniatures; and in the titivating mysteries of rhythm, tone color, and interweaving voices. Ellington is an adept. R. D. Darrell, writing in the magazine Disques declares: “To me … the most daring experiments of the modernists rarely approach the imaginative originality, mated to pure musicianship, of a dozen arresting moments in Ellington’s works.”

WHILE Ellington’s music is personal and finished to the nth degree, there are always hot solos by the players—the jazz fundamental is preserved. Ellington’s instrument is not so much subservient to him as sympathetic. The understanding between the men is uncanny: Ellington and his drummer, Sonny Greer, for instance, engage in a constant signaling with eyebrows, hands, or grimaces. It is no exaggeration to say that his band of fourteen can fake (improvise) as adroitly as the early five-piece combinations. Usually the music is a striking blend of arrangement and invention, typical of which is a trumpet player stabbing bright patterns through lustrous curtains of tone.

Ellington hates the spade work of writing music. At rehearsals, which are frequently called for three o’clock in the morning, after the night’s work is done, no scores are visible. The leader seats himself at the piano and runs over the theme he wishes to develop, shows the men what he thinks the saxophones might play here and the brasses there. Perhaps Barney Bigard, the solo clarinetist, suggests a rolling phrase on the reeds at a certain point; it is tried and judged by general opinion. Freddy Jenkins, the electric little trumpeter, may favor muting the brass in various passages. Each man has his say. After four to five hours of this informal process, a new number has been perfected—suavely and intricately arranged, played with the utmost technical command. Ellington believes his men memorize more easily this way than they would by using prepared scores. Most of his famous arrangements have never been written down: sometimes, after five or six months. Manager Mills succeeds in persuading Ellington to put one on paper. The hot solo passages are, of course, left blank, with some such notation as “get off.”

BUT there is really very little reason why Ellington should bother to score his arrangements. They are so difficult that few other dance bands can play them at all, and very few with anything approaching the ease and spirit of Ellington’s musicians. Reading his scores, other orchestras quickly discover that he continually expects things from his men which even the best players elsewhere are seldom called upon to deliver. He conceives his music, for instance, in terms of piano chords and indicates certain notes for the fourth saxophone, regardless of whether the intervals and sequences are convenient for a saxophonist to play. Ellington knows his men can play them; other leaders are not so fortunate. Manager Mills wastes considerable money buying Ellington special arrangements of standard tunes. By the time the orchestra plays them they are Ellingtonian—lustered with his own harmonies, pungent with his rhythm.

Ellington spends his spare moments writing a score for a Negro musical show to be produced next season by John Henry Hammond Jr., son of the New York lawyer John Henry Hammond, and one of the leading jazz connoisseurs of the country. Ellington is also conceiving a suite in five parts, tentatively entitled Africa, The Slave Ship, The Plantation, Harlem—the last being a climactic restatement of themes. Whether this will be arranged for his band as now constituted or for an augmented group has not been decided. The composer expects to leave the piano, taking a baton in the form of a drumstick which, while conducting, he will beat on an elaborate choir of tom-toms. And he is trying desperately to find a reed instrument lower even than a contrabassoon with which to produce voodoo accents in the opening section. His friends say he will ultimataely invent one.

With this suite in his repertoire, Ellington may some day make his Carnegie Hall début. It will be an occasion—but, depend on it, there will be no concert-hall piety about the affair. Harlem offers a foretaste of it this very day. In Harlem hot music survives. In Harlem argument survives—the jazz boys debate the merits of two Negro pianists, the partially blind Art Tatum and Willie Smith, somewhat terrifyingly known as The Lion. And in Harlem Duke Ellington and his men have a traditional place in the purple glow lamps of the Cotton Club. Presiding high above his fellows is the dapper Sonny Greer, surrounded like an alchemist with his tom-tom crucibles and tympanic retorts. In the delicacy and pertinence with which he approaches these instruments he is the very symbol of elegant, seething syncopation. There, while Ellington’s brass sprays out the steaming measures of Ring Dem Bells and Greer titillates the chimes, listeners may remember their Aldous Huxley and cry out: “What songs! What gongs! … What blasts of Bantu melody!”

*In its jazz sense, the word “hot” does not necessarily mean loud and fast. “Hot” music may well be languid and soft. The word “hot” refers to a musical attitude and idiom, discussed in these pages, not to a particular tempo or volume.

As ever, no copyright infringement is intended. Source: Fortune Magazine






Wednesday, 26 August 2026

Après-Midi d'un Strayhorn Part Two

Tone Parallel on Substack today published Part Two of Après-Midi d'un Strayhorn.

Subscription is free. Details here.






Tuesday, 7 July 2026

Dance, then, wherever you may be...

Beyond the Myth: Rick Anderson on His Mother’s Dance That Fueled Ellington’s Rebirth at Newport ‘56




1956. In the popular consciousness, the grandeur of swing era big bands had ceded to the vibrant electric spark of rock. One of the greatest of an era past, Duke Ellington, saw the Orchestra he had led for over three decades begin to disintegrate. Essential band members gradually jumped ship as the ensemble played to increasingly shrinking crowds. Where they once packed Carnegie Hall, they now could barely fill a small skating rink. Money was drying up, too. The band needed a miracle to continue. George Wein offered a chance to recover by calling upon Ellington and his longtime arranger Billy Strayhorn to present a three-part suite at that summer’s Newport Jazz Festival. But it seemed for naught. The entire performance, including the commission, fell flat with the audience. As the clock inched ever closer to midnight, the crowd seemed listless and tired. The legendary drummer “Papa” Jo Jones, who performed with Teddy Wilson earlier in the evening, sat at the edge of the stage. He rolled up a newspaper – or possibly a festival program – and began feverishly beating it against his knee, adding a heavy beat. The Orchestra started combining two older pieces from 1937 – Diminuendo in Blue and Crescendo in Blue – with tenor saxophonist Paul Gonsalves’ incredibly long twenty-seven-chorus solo serving as the glue. In the audience, a blonde woman in a dark dress was so moved by what she heard that she lost control. She started a near riotous dance craze that turned the crowd wild. That night saved Duke’s flailing career to the point that he would later frequently remark that he “was born in 1956 at the Newport Festival.”

Or so the tale goes. However, legends are funny things. Even when one thinks they know a story, they rarely see the entire picture. Emphasizing certain narrative elements sets aside others that make reality so much richer. After the night at Newport, the questions about the event became fixated on who. Who caused the magical evening, the mystery woman or the band itself? And who was she anyway? Yet, in many ways, the far more meaningful question was not who but why. Why was she even there? Why did she dance? Now, seven decades later, why are we still talking and thinking about that evening?

Despite the tale that still persists, the mystery dancer – Elaine Anderson – was not quite someone who became inexplicably possessed by the music. No, as her family would attest, she was a dancer at heart. Choices and circumstances had set her dream aside. She seemed to long for a different life, and Newport finally let her desires emerge for all to see.

While these facts belie the romanticized image of a figure so overwhelmed by her senses that she completely lost control, it is a mistake to think that the truth lessens the magic of that night. If anything, reality speaks even more to what Ellington’s band accomplished within Freebody Park’s stone walls and the freedom inherent in the band’s music. Even the combined title Diminuendo and Crescendo in Blue suggests a fall followed quickly by a brighter rise. Elaine Anderson never became a famous dancer. But she became something more. She became an icon, even if few ever knew her name.

So, did Anderson cause Ellington’s rebirth at Newport, or did the band simply release something lurking too long inside her? Does it truly matter? Together, dancer and band both sought freedom in a country that prides itself on liberty but supports a culture where far too often that right is not always equally applied. Seventy years after Ellington’s famed performance of July 7, 1956, it is time we better acknowledge the truth about who Elaine Anderson was and how that event came to be. It is our hope that the conversation you are about to read with her son, Rick Anderson, provides a fuller picture of his mother. But the timing of this piece is also nothing short of opportune. Anderson’s story reflects not merely her own lived experiences but also raises questions about how far America has come in addressing the social forces that hold others back and how much further we have to go. In this sense, perhaps this conversation is as much a meditation on our nation’s semiquincentennial as it is the platinum anniversary of Ellington’s performance. We just dance in the hope of what is still to come.



PostGenre: What do you feel people most misunderstand about your mother’s role at Ellington’s 1956 Newport performance?

Rick Anderson: One of the things that’s so interesting to me is the continuing perception that my mother was some anonymous gal who spontaneously got up and started to dance. Nobody has really explored the fact that her dancing wasn’t a spur-of-the-moment thing that came out of nowhere. There was a background, history, and set of roots that motivated her to dance that night. It wasn’t mere happenstance that my mother ended up getting up and doing her number at Newport. The seeds were planted a long time earlier.

PostGenre: Elaine wanted to be a dancer originally, but gave it up to raise a family. In some ways, it was almost inevitable that she would dance that night.

RA: It was inevitable. I have to qualify that I’m not an unprejudiced person here. So, you have to take what I say with a certain grain of salt. But, trying to be as objective as I can, my mother represented the breakthrough of women in the 1950s who were still trapped in society’s norms and limitations. She tried her damnedest to break out of a traditional married setting. People who knew her all saw it. She was a very special, talented, and different person. And she touched a lot of people, many more people than anybody really knows.

But it all started when she got into Wellesley College, and her mother said, “No, you have to go to a two-year college.” Her mother was a very dominating force. My mother tried to break through and ended up getting married at eighteen. She had three kids by the time she was twenty-four. But in the meantime, she went out to Hollywood, got a screen test, and had a few bit parts in movies. That’s not the traditional path that a married woman would take at the time, back in the 1940s.

PG: Your family also had ties to the movie industry, with Elaine’s father starting one of the first movie theaters in New England.  

RA: Right, my grandfather and his brothers started it. Back then, unlike today, motion picture theater owners had leverage over the Hollywood studios. That leverage meant that Hollywood came to the owners to pitch films to show as opposed to the opposite. During that period, as my mother was growing up and then into the 40s and the 50s, her family owned eight theaters in New England. In those days, that was enough for them to be recognized as a player in the industry. So, Hollywood came to them.

To give you an idea, although this happened after she had gotten married and had kids, the family’s New Bedford, Massachusetts, theater had the world premiere of Moby-Dick (Warner Bros., 1956). Of course, it made sense to choose a New Bedford theater for the premiere because the city was the whaling capital of the world. Anyway, Gregory Peck and his wife stayed in my grandparents’ house around the time of the premiere. Richard Basehart and John Huston were around, too. And there is that photo I sent you of my mother playing the piano with Robert Wagner, which was taken in her mother’s home.

Elaine Anderson with Robert Wagner, courtesy of Rick Anderson

My mother was exposed to many movie stars, even early on. And there was always simmering thing in her connected to her interest in dance and film that coalesced, I think, in 1955.

PG: What happened in 1955?

RA: Her best friend, Carol Haney, was on Broadway in The Pajama Game. My mother was so proud of Carol, and we all went down to New York to see the show. She and my mother grew up in New Bedford together and used to dance together. And now, here she was on Broadway. Carol Haney ultimately won a Tony Award [for Best Featured Actress in a Musical] for her role in The Pajama Game.

What many people don’t know about Carol is that she was a very tragic character. My grandfather helped introduce her to people in Hollywood. And she went to Hollywood when she was nineteen. If she had been prettier looking, she would have played Debbie Reynolds’s role in Singin’ in the Rain (MGM, 1952). Instead, she was the person Gene Kelly used to help teach Debbie Reynolds how to dance. She danced with the best of them, Jack Cole, and a little with [Fred] Astaire. But she particularly danced a lot with Gene Kelly. Her big break came in a movie called Kiss Me, Kate (MGM, 1953). There is a dance scene in it with her and her partner, Bob Fosse. They did a dance together in that movie that was incredible. And you can see that dance show up in the Broadway show, The Pajama Game, where she and Fosse were the leads.

Anyway, when my mother got down to Broadway and saw Carol finally receive the recognition that she deserved, I think it set in motion what would be forthcoming from my mother the next year in Newport.

PG: As far as Newport, your uncle and your mother had box seats for the festival since the first one in 1954 and went for several years. When did she stop attending the festival?

RA: She was there all the way through until she blew out of town in 1961. So, the 1960 Festival was probably her last one.

PG: So, she attended for seven years, most of them after 1955. Any idea why she did not get noticed much the times she presumably danced there after 1956?

RA: Well, you must have seen the movie Jazz on a Summer’s Day (Galaxy, 1959).  

PG: Of course.

RA: If you go back and watch that movie, you will see a blonde woman with sunglasses in the crowd when Anita O’Day is singing. The camera focuses on her. You’ll see her really getting into the rhythm. That’s Elaine.



My parents weren’t Newport people. They had a good friend who was a Newport person, but not on the side of the tracks where [Festival co-founders Elaine and Louis] Lorillards played.

PG: Was that the Capuanos? [ed. note: Eddie Capuano of Fall River, Massachusetts was an early sponsor of the Newport Jazz Festival and a friend of both the Lorillards and Anderson and her husband, Larry Anderson].

RA: Well, the Capuanos were wealthy people who had a house in Newport. My parents were down in Newport all the time visiting them. My father was actually a bigger jazz fan than my mother. My parents used to go up to [George Wein’s club,] Storyville in Boston. There were also some really good jazz places in Providence in those days that they would visit. There was even a good jazz club in Fall River, Massachusetts.

I remember my parents would corral some of the performing musicians and bring them back to our house, where they’d smoke dope in the back room. My parents loved to mingle with the jazz musicians. And of course, having the box in Newport was a must because they were part of the scene. But things only came to a head and exploded that night in 1956.

PG: Given that she wanted to be a professional dancer, it must have been exciting for her to become essentially famous for dancing, even if not in any capacity she could have ever anticipated.

RA: She enjoyed the attention. There was an unfortunate quote from her in the New York Times, which I think was misleading. There was a piece written by a guy named James Barron, who is actually still writing. The story was all about a guy named Phil Schaap.

PG: The incredibly detailed archivist and broadcaster.

RA: Right. And in that story, Phil mentioned the gal in the black dress who danced at Newport, but he didn’t know who she was. Our daughter saw the piece when she was eight or nine years old and wrote to Barron to say “that gal in the black dress is my grandmother.” James Barron turned around and said he wanted to talk to my mother. So, he then interviewed both Elaine and me and wrote a story about how he had solved the mystery of who the woman was; a mystery that even Phil Schaap wasn’t able to answer.  But Elaine made the unfortunate comment in her interview that the story behind her dance in 1956 was that she had a few too many drinks and got up and danced. I think at that point, she was trying not to be totally honest about what she was really all about.

But the truth is, she lived a really interesting life. Once, when she was living out in Sausalito, California, she walked into a very famous restaurant in San Francisco named Ernie’s. And in there was a very famous local guy named Joe DiMaggio.

PG: Joltin’ Joe.

RA: She walked in, and he saw her. He did a double take and then called over the maître’d and said, “I want to talk to that woman.” I think he thought Elaine looked like Marilyn Monroe. So they sat down, and they chatted. My mother managed to encounter a lot of different people after she got divorced. She was a free spirit. It took a lot of guts for her to leave a small town like Fall River, Massachusetts, and give up a life where she was the queen of the town and married to a very wealthy guy, to go off and do what she did.

She’d spent some time in Hollywood and was a member of the Variety Club. You could only be part of the Variety Club if you were a professional or someone in the motion picture business, whether on stage or off stage or screen. The Variety Club had yearly conventions in great places. In 1958, her wings started to flap, and she felt like she needed to get the hell out of Fall River. So she convinced my father to let her go to the Variety Club convention in London. He agreed to it, and she went. The only problem with the convention was that it lasted for about four or five days. She didn’t come back for another seven months.

PG: Wow.

RA: When she got to London, she met a very beautiful woman named Francine Brandt. Francine was, I guess, the French word was courtesan. She was not a prostitute; but a companion who lived with or associated with incredibly wealthy people. We don’t really have courtesans much in the US, but it is common in Europe. Francine was French, and she had an affair with the French filmmaker Roger Vadim. She knew that crowd. So she and my mother hook up and then go all over the place. They finally ended up in Rome. And she ends up being gone for seven months. Of course, she has three kids at home. Not too many mothers take off like that. And she herself hooked up with some Italian movie star. As I said, she was a free spirit. I knew she was one back when I was a kid, too. But again, going back to when we started talking, she just wasn’t some anonymous person who got up and decided who decided to spontaneously dance.






PG: Why do you think the narrative of her being an average person in the crowd still perpetuates? Even the famous photograph [record producer] George Avakian used of her for Ellington’s record is framed in such a way as to suggest she was an average person with no formal dance background.

RA: Interesting. We got to know George Avakian well. Elaine said to him at Newport the year after the Ellington performance, 1957, “Why did you use such a lousy picture?” And he said he was concerned she might sue the label over using a photo of her without her approval. That’s why they used the picture with her arm up, somewhat blocking her face. They wanted to avoid having her come at them. She said she wouldn’t have sued over it and that they should have followed up with her on it.

PG: Did they not know who she was, since there seems to be a bit of a mystery around the dancing figure at the Festival?

RA: I think they knew her. George Wein knew who she was since she had been up in Storyville. As you’ve read in all the articles, the question that comes is whether she just popped up and also how much of an influence she had on Gonsalves that night. You can read the history any way you want to, but the fact of the matter is that she was part of the mix.

Something like what happened that evening had never happened before. We’ve seen it so many times since, but never before. There was a video that came out a few years ago and made an analogy between rock ‘n’ roll and that night. It compares Gonsalves’ solo to non-jazz solos and found that the performance was jazz’s moment of stepping into the world of rock ‘n’ roll.



PG: Interesting. Rock was the big musical craze at the time, but few have connected it to what Ellington did. Jazz was not really dying, but it was not really getting the popular attention it once did.

RA: Yeah, despite the fact that Ellington said he was born again in Newport in 1956, his music really didn’t die. I don’t think big band jazz took off after that, but that night did show the power his music still held even as tastes shifted.  And of course, the papers followed, and there was a flurry of publicity afterwards.



PG: Seventy years later, why do you think people still talk about your mother’s dancing at the Ellington performance? There is no video and limited photography, yet it still seems to capture the imagination of many.

RA: I know what you mean. My dream has always been to find enough still pictures that I could piece together into a fifteen minute video.

I’m having lunch today with a guy named George Russell. He and I belong to the same tennis club. I met him about a year and a half ago at the club. He was a journalist for Fox Broadcasting, and used to be an international journalist with Time Magazine. At one point, we were chatting along with some other friends. One of my other friends mentioned my mother because George is infatuated with what happened at Newport. So George asked which festival and I told him it was Ellington at Newport in 1956. And he said the record was one of his favorites. He absolutely loved Diminuendo and Crescendo in Blue. And we ended up talking for a while about the gal that danced. It just shows you how the story still speaks to people.







PG: It’s interesting too because the album tied to that night, Ellington at Newport 1956, is generally cited as one of the best live albums ever, but only a portion was actually done at the festival, with the rest in studio. Even the studio parts, however. capture the energy of that night so well that you can almost see your mother or someone dancing to it when you listen.

RA: There is a very famous jazz photographer named Roy DeCarava. About ten or eleven years ago, he self-published a big coffee table book called The Sound I Saw.  At the time it came out, my daughter was a freshman or sophomore at Brown [University]. She was at the [Rhode Island School of Design] Museum in Providence to see an exhibit of DeCarava’s photographs. As she was leaving, she saw his book on the table.  She looked through it and came to the end where she found pictures of a blonde woman in a very surreal way dancing with her arms up. There were four pictures. This book had photographs of almost every jazz musician you could think of. But here was Elaine, captured in photographs that I’d never seen before. So my daughter called me and told me she had encountered the book.

The book was hard to find, but we found a copy and reached out to DeCarava. He’s since passed but was a professor at Hunter College at that time. He had printed all of his own stuff. He never had an agent because he was fearful of being commercialized. So he never really got the attention that some other jazz photographers did. After many weeks of back-and-forth emails with him, my wife and I had lunch with him and his wife, Caroline, who was another Hunter professor, here in Brooklyn Heights, New York. 





Elaine as captured by Roy DeCarava

PG: Did he remember being at the ‘56 festival?

RA: Definitely. And it was fascinating talking to him. For Newport in ’56, he didn’t have tickets to get in. He was outside the box office when he ran into Nat Hentoff, who knew him. Nat and Roy started talking, and Nat ended up helping Roy get into Freebody Park that night. Roy said it was an incredible night. He said what happened was surreal. He said the place became alive. And he captured it all in a way that made the truth clear. Some accounts say that there were other people dancing that night in Freebody Park. That was probably the case, but it was clear nobody danced like this gal. And it all came out of what was stuck inside of her for decades.

One of the raciest magazines back then, Saga Magazine, covered the festival that summer. Their writer described the dance as a cross between Salome’s Seven Veils and a Gypsy Rose Lee special. Some photographs show she used the white bars that separated the seating sections as a crutch to bounce off of. She was basically in her own trance. But it was in sync with Gonsalves and the band. And Jo Jones is up there with a rolled-up newspaper, five feet from her, saying, “Go gal, go gal, go gal.” Off she went.

Rob Shepherd is the founder, CEO, editor-in-chief and head writer of PostGenre. He is a proud member of the Jazz Journalists Association. Rob also contributed to Jazz Speaks, the official blog of The Jazz Gallery and has also so written for All About Jazz and Nextbop. Rob is also a Tax and Estate Planning Attorney and CPA. 

No copyright infringement intended.







Thursday, 2 July 2026

Cuttings Contest Too

Bizarrely - if not frighteningly so - the first time I used the title Cuttings Contest for a post was an amazing ten years ago and, by some strange synchronism, a decade almost to the day. That post may be found here.

Here is its somewhat delayed sequel - a miscellany of clippings, photographs and memorabilia all of which have been for sale at virtual auction recently. When time allows (and given how quickly the last ten years have gone), I'm not sure it will - it would be a rewarding business tracing the provenance of these various souvenirs and the events which occasioned them. For now, here is the gallery...

































Tuesday, 21 April 2026

The Jazz Syndicate (University of North Texas)

 

Clips of multiple interviews with Duke Ellington from various dates and locations. The first segment is described as "transcribed presentation of the western division of Radio Newsreel," likely conducted by Doug Hatton at Casa Mañana in Los Angeles on January 28, 1941 and also described by Lewis Porter in a November 13, 2024 Substack posting. The second segment features Ellington narrating a story which may be connected to his unfinished opera, Queenie Pie. Segments of this are fast-forwarded or rewound on the tape, and at least one is recoverable at normal speed. Another interview follows, in which Ellington discusses Jack and Hy Yellen, noted to be from the interviewer's hometown of Buffalo, New York (this interviewer is not Willis Conover). Also present for this interview is Fats Waller's manager, Ed Kirkeby. After a brief silence, another interview begins at 22:19, in which the interviewer is likely Willis Conover. Details of this interview (the end of 1952 being "a few weeks ago") fit with Ellington's appearance at the Hilltop in Capitol Heights, Maryland, in early March of 1953. The next interview begins at 40:21, and includes Billy Strayhorn speaking, and singing and playing Lush Life at the piano (at 45:55). Smaller segments follow, including an additional segment with Strayhorn.
Clips of two interviews with Duke Ellington from the Ellington collection at the Smithsonian Institution. The interview is undated, but labeled as being from the late 1960s or early 1970s. Ellington answers a question about whether some works are more important to him and discusses his longevity, experience and perseverance, the meaning of Black, Brown and Beige, segregation in the South, and an experience in the previous year of being refused service in Illinois.
A brief interview with Duke Ellington, with an introduction and explanation in Swedish. Ellington discusses how the scale or size of a work does not dictate its importance to him, whether any works are more important to him than others, the importance of staying on the job over time; in another clip, he discusses his Black, Brown & Beige suite, racial dynamics he has observed, and a time he faced discrimination while touring on Route 66 in Illinois.